A Research Framework for the Archaeology of Wales
Southwest Wales – Roman
22/12/2003
The
study of Roman Britain is often perceived as a staid topic structured around
the certainties of invasion, military uniformity, technical superiority, urban
development, material enrichment and, finally, retreat. Dismissed as dull and
predictable it has been likened to ‘a nice sand pit in which toddlers can
safely be left to play’ (Reece 1982). Recently more challenging concepts have
emerged many generated by the work of theoretical archaeologists. Unfortunately
these stimulating ideas have yet to be communicated to a wider audience, an
omission that may have serious consequences when it comes to access to limited
resources. (James and Millet 2001).
Romano-British
South West Wales has until now been expressed in terms of the physical remains
synonymous with Roman occupation. Whilst this approach has undoubtedly much to
contribute we should also be analysing what might be achieved were we to
revisit these traditional narratives. Fresh initiatives would encourage a
reassessment of long-held beliefs and challenge traditional interpretations.
These could build upon the expertise of professionals and amateurs alike to
present a revitalised picture of Romano-British South- West Wales with the
potential to enhance our understanding of the wider Roman Empire.
This
paper concentrates on three themes, invasion and occupation, Romanisation and
regionalisation, and concludes by summarising the issues raised by means of a
SWOT analysis. It is based on the comments of the working group (Jeff Davies,
Barry Burnham, Helen Burnham, Heather James, Gavin Evans) and incorporates some
of the issues raised in Britons and
Romans: advancing an archaeological agenda (James and Millet 2001). It was
first presented at the South-West Wales archaeological research seminar held in
Carmarthen on 5th October 2002 and has been updated to take account
of recent discoveries.
The
invasion of South West Wales can be established with confidence. The forts are
all Flavian though there are hints of an earlier occupation at Llandovery
(Jarrett 1962,1963,1970) and two superimposed forts have been recently
discovered at Llandeilo (Hughes 2003). Physical remains as interpreted through
excavation, geophysical survey and aerial photography are consistent with
expected patterns. Any variation is not considered to be of sufficient
importance to alter accepted interpretations. Evidence of rebuilding in stone,
changes in layout and reduction in size has been identified in several forts.
Questions remain as to the rapidity and the reasons for these modifications,
the significance of which may also have relevance in an external context. Some
forts exhibit a bewildering rate of change.
The
extension of the Roman road beyond Carmarthen increases the potential for new
sites in West Wales and encourages speculation that this may have been directed
towards a coastal destination. So far only one marching camp (Arosfa Garreg)
has been identified though as Heather James implies we should not ignore the
nearby examples at Y Pigwn. These lie within the political boundaries of
South-East Wales but directly relate to the invasion of this part of the
country (James 1982).
It
has been suggested that the military was proportionally more important to
Britain than any other province (James 2001). Outmoded concepts as to the role
and function of the army should be abandoned and the influence of the
short-lived military occupation of Carmarthenshire, Pembrokeshire and
Ceredigion debated. It may be worth establishing in detail the nature of the
assemblages from our forts with a view to reading the ‘military signature’.
Institutional identity is manifested in the layout of the forts but ‘soldierly’
identity emerges from the material culture (James 2001)
The
confidence in our understanding of the invasion does not appear to extend to
the role of the vici. The accepted interpretation is that they were populated
by camp followers; functioned as islands of ‘Romanisation’; had limited
communication with the indigenous population and were abandoned at the same
time as the forts.
Given
that many of the forts were occupied for a relatively short time this picture
is plausible but easily challenged. Questions might include the nature of the
interface between the inhabitants of forts and vici; the existence of two
communities or two parts of one community; the potential to read the nature of
this relationship from material remains and artefact assemblages and the nature
of the interaction with local inhabitants. It is difficult to imagine that new
technology introduced by the Romans was ignored entirely no matter how quiet
and peaceable the Demetae may have been. These are universal questions but it
is possible that the inter-relationships differed to those found in the rest of
the province. Similar patterns may be found in other border areas.
Evidence
of continuity after the departure of the Romans is scarce. Is it possible to
relate the founding of Moridinum to the original vicus or can we read any
significance into the Early Christian foundations at Llandewi Brefi or
Llandeilo? The documented early estate at Caio (Pumsaint) could have its
foundation within the Roman landscape (Jones, 1994).
Recent AP work has greatly enhanced our understanding of the road layout but the complete network remains to be discovered. In particular the direction and purpose of the road west of Carmarthen deserves attention. Can this be linked to harbours such as Milford Haven or to coastal defence? The forts at Loughor and Neath remain apparently isolated from the forts to the north. Civil engineering has much to offer to the interpretation of known and potential routes. The presence of these heavily imposing structures with their bridges and embankments must have had an influence in at least some parts of Dyfed.
It
would appear that the Romans swept across South-West Wales with speed and
efficiency. But can the reasons for this be read in the archaeological record?
This apparent ease of occupation needs to be examined within the context of
large areas without any visible evidence of military intervention such as north
of the Preselis. It would also be of interest to review this network in terms
of the threat of Irish invasion.
Urban Romanisation
Heather James’s recent work has made an enormous
contribution to our understanding of the founding and occupation of Moridunum
(James, 2003). Several issues remain unresolved largely because the site lies
beneath modern Carmarthen. On the basis that often the simplest questions throw
light on fundamental concepts we might question why this urban centre developed
when there was no need for one before? The role of the military in its
foundation requires further consideration, as does the potential association
with the nearby hill-fort, Merlin’s Hill. Did Moridunum emerge smoothly or was
it a disruptive ’foreign’ introduction?
Carmarthen can
contribute to the principal themes for Roman urban research as identified by
the CBA working party. Some of these are not relevant but we might include;
chronology; comparison with other provinces; regional and cultural diversity;
production, distribution and consumption of goods; economic dimensions;
settlement networks; size and identity; shape and density of urban stock;
settlement morphology and artifact analysis (Burnham et al 2001) Of particular
interest is the apparent lack of evidence of the public space we would expect
in a Roman Town.
Carmarthen must
have been a focus for the introduction of improved technology and changes in
agricultural practice such as cash crops. On the basis of these developments
the town operated as a trading centre. Can we read these changes in the archaeological
record and if so do we understand their significance? Inter-site as well as
intra-site comparisons may reveal what has been missed in the past.
Millet recommends
finds, architectural evidence and cemeteries as the keys to understanding Romanisation
in an urban context (Millet 2001) We should be able to explore the first two
but have scant evidence as to the last though the recent discoveries at
Johnston may have some bearing on this issue (not yet published – see research
audit).
Rural Romanisation
Analysing the nature and extent of Romanisation in a
rural context is problematic. Possession of Roman goods makes the local
population visible but we have so far failed to appreciate the extent to which
Roman values were absorbed. Changes and trends are difficult to identify when
there is little or no apparent material culture. For example Pen y Coed was
occupied in the Roman period and its occupants must have been aware of
Moridunum yet this is not reflected in the physical evidence (Murphy 1985).
Many of the small-defended enclosures, which characterise this area, have
produced isolated finds but to what degree do these reflect Romanisation? As a
minimum we should be able to assess the extent to which Roman material
penetrated native sites.
It is
usually assumed that late Iron Age South-West Wales consisted of small-scale
societies with limited access to surplus resources. They were, therefore. Less likely to invest in durable
expressions of their culture and we are left with little evidence of identifiable
Roman influence. A re-analysis of this conclusion may challenge the widely held
belief that the indigenous population was largely untouched by the Romans. In
this respect we might benefit from a comparison with other areas such as the
Wroxeter hinterland or even with such extensively Romanised areas such as
South-East England It is possible that in order to fully explain the influence
of the Romans on rural society we need to examine how material culture was
manipulated and understood in the Late Iron Age.
This absence of
information about material culture also effects our understanding of the role
of the native elite. It is possible that the Romans managed this part of Wales
through the most powerful people. Prestige sites like Castell Henllys where an
assemblage of Roman pottery (2nd
and 4th century in date) has been recovered (Heather James pers com) could tell us much about the interaction between Roman and native.
If the elite absorbed Roman ideas how did this manifest itself in terms of the
introduction concepts and material culture? Did it lead to improved technology
and changes in agricultural practice such as the introduction of new crops,
revised land tenure and alterations in land use? We know that oats were
introduced to Anglesey but have no similar data for this part of Wales. We
assume that the Roman introduced a market economy if only to facilitate the
payment of taxes. However, the production of surpluses is not reflected in
large-scale mills, corn dryers or barns though the road network may have had a
part to play.
Can we describe how Rome influenced the organisation
of space within the domestic framework? As noted by Ken Murphy in his paper in
this collection neither the chronology nor the function of the numerous small,
rectilinear enclosures thought to date to either the Iron Age or the Romano
British period are understood. Certainly many were inhabited during the Roman
occupation. They were also abandoned during this period but as yet we lack the
information to explain what triggered this shift. It may be linked to changes
in tenure or agricultural practice. We do not even know if the inhabitants
moved away entirely or continued to occupy the same holding in a different
form. So far we have only hints of what must have been a significant alteration
in the status and function of these sites. Wider settlement patterns have yet
to be explored.
The
role of the villa in this part of Wales is poorly understood particularly as so
few examples have been discovered. If this reflects the nature if not the full
extent of this type of settlement the implications for the Romanisation of the
rural economy requires further consideration. Of those that have been recorded
Trelissy and Cwmbrwyn are in poor condition and there is no chronology for Llys
Brychan (Thomas and Walker, 1959; Ward 1907; Jarret, 1961).
We
do not have sufficient data to study the dynamics of change in the rural
environment throughout this period. When Jeremy Taylor wrote about the
‘extraordinary quantity and diversity of information we have available’ he
clearly had not been studying South-West Wales (Taylor 2001). As it stands the
limited information available implies minimal Roman influence. Until we can
establish whether this is genuine or due to a failure to interpret and question
the record correctly the extent of rural Romanisation must remain a huge gap in
our understanding.
Technology and Trade (use and exploitation of
natural resources)
Technological
innovations and changes in scales of production must have been one of the most
visible manifestations of Roman occupation. Extractive industries and
manufacturing and their connections with the surrounding landscape require
further reappraisal.
Evidence
of iron working at Carmarthen implies nearby iron ore extraction. Gold mining
at Dolaucothi is well-documented and subject to ongoing investigation. Lead and
sliver extraction is debateable. Roman mining has been suggested for several
sites throughout the area (for instance Rhandirmyn (Timberlake 1994) but none
of these have the ancillary buildings and infrastructure usually associated
with such enterprises. Excavation of the North Ceredigion forts may tell a
different story.
Surviving
walls indicate quarrying close to the forts and Moridinum. The source of this
stone has yet to be identified though querns were mined from country rock.
Phyllite from the Preselis was discovered at Cwmbryn (Ward 1907) and exported to other parts of Wales. Decorative
stone was apparently not quarried. We have so far failed to identify a source
of clay for tiles and brick at any fort or near to Carmarthen.
The
Romans mastered water based technology but beyond the leats and tanks at
Dolaucothi there is scant evidence of this expertise in South-West Wales.
Well-based technology may have been introduced at this time.
More
could be learned from pottery and metalwork finds. A reanalysis might elucidate
technological introductions.
The
scale and focus of trade is poorly understood. Carmarthen functioned as a point
of export and import but did it have a role as a distributional node? Did
imported goods come directly from other parts of the empire, including Britain,
or were they shipped on from Caerleon? The total number of finds along the
coast is thought to be small but further investigation, perhaps in antiquarian
sources, might show this to be an underestimate. If what we have is a true
distribution does this reflect a lack of coastal trade or a society impervious
to the significance of material goods? A more likely explanation is that it was
too under-resourced to afford such items.
REGIONALISATION
It
is widely accepted that the interpretation of the Roman sphere of influence as
a society dominated by military might and subject to blanket uniformity is
outdated. Concepts of regionalisation and variability in social conditions have
yet to be explored in Wales. The apparent ease with which the Demetae were
conquered (in contrast to the Silures) suggests that from the beginning
South-West Wales could be distinguished as a region. Forts were abandoned
within 50 to 60 years implying that Roman control remained unchallenged even if
it did operate at a distance. Traditional displays of Roman power were not
required in this part of the province.
In
searching for evidence of regionalisation should we conclude that this was a
distinct region before the Romans arrived? Based on the apparent lack of
interaction with local populations can we further suggest that it remained as
such throughout the period of occupation? Alternatively there may evidence of a
new dynamic that is neither Roman nor native that has so far escaped the
attention of researchers. The emergence of Moridunum may be relevant to this
question. A re-analysis of the Romano-British material culture may be of
benefit, as might comparison to other similar regions in other provinces.
OUTPUTS
Strengths
·
The military history and
construction of the forts can be described with confidence. Llandovery
(Albamum), Llanio (Bremia), Carmarthen (Moridunum) and Pumsaint have all been
partially excavated.
·
Our understanding of the
significance of both the fort and the town of Moridunum has been enlarged and
enhanced by the work of Heather James and others.
·
Without the survey and
excavations carried out by Barry Burnham and Barry Jones the gold mines at
Dolaucothi would have remained an enigma and the fort at Pumsaint would not
have been located.
·
The forts at Llandeilo
and Pumsaint, and the gold mines at Dolaucothi are owned by The National Trust.
·
Aerial photography has
transformed our understanding of the military infrastructure and the
contemporary native occupation.
·
The recent geophysical
survey of the Llandeilo forts is exceptional it its detail and clarity.
·
Information of Iron Age
hillforts in South-West Wales rivals that from any area in Britain
Weaknesses
·
There is a lack of
understanding as to the nature and extent of Roman influence within the rural
context. It is not clear whether this is because of insufficient data or a
failure to explore the potential of what is available.
·
The role of the native
elite as advocates of Romanisation is unclear. Social organisation within the
local population has yet to be clarified.
·
The degree to which
Roman material culture penetrated this remote part of the province has not been
established. The poverty of the region may not have been taken into account.
·
The chronology of
occupation remains unresolved.
·
Traditional narratives
predominate. The benefits of asking new and challenging questions have not been
appreciated.
·
Outside Carmarthen
excavation has largely focused on evidence of military occupation. With the
exception of the recent work near Wolfs Castle civilian and native sites have
not been investigated. Establishing the chronology, function and significance
of the numerous small rectilinear enclosures is essential to our understanding
of this period. Vici represent the interface between the military and the
civilian population and possibly with local inhabitants beyond. They have the
potential to resolve issues of Romanisation and regionalisation.
·
Moridunum lies beneath
medieval and modern Carmarthen. Access to the Roman town is restricted to small
windows made available by urban development
·
Find sites are
inadequately recorded
·
Comparative studies
within the province or with other similar parts of the empire have not been
undertaken.
·
Despite recent new
discoveries the road network remains incomplete.
·
Acid soils preclude the
survival of human and animal bones.
Opportunities
·
Geophysical survey and
aerial photography have the potential to address many of the issues raised in
the above discussion. The clarity of the results achieved at Llandeilo
demonstrates the benefits of geophysical survey. A well-funded, systematic
program of aerial investigation particularly in a dry summer would be
rewarding.
·
Our understanding of
Iron Age hill-forts and defended enclosures should serve as the basis for
research into the settlement patterns of this period. Social and economic
models may also apply even if only to the early phases of Roman occupation
·
The chronology and
function of the distinctive, small, rectilinear enclosures should be resolved
by means of a co-ordinated program of
aerial photography, geophysical survey, sondage
and full excavation.
·
The discovery of two
superimposed forts at Llandeilo has the potential to enhance our understanding
of the phasing of the conquest
·
New hypotheses could be
used to reassess the evidence of Roman material culture. This must come follow
on from a review of the location of all finds and a revised catalogue.
·
Opportunities for
environmental sampling should not be squandered.
·
This research audit is
an opportunity to challenge accepted concepts and to move away from traditional
narratives.
·
The Roman invasion of
Wales is a story easily explained to the non-specialist. Visible remains are
attractive and easily understood. This period in our history has the potential
to stimulate an interest in the historic environment.
Threats
·
Excavation is generally
restricted to small trial pits. There have been no large-scale investigations with
full post-excavation analysis in the recent past.
·
Aerial photography and
geophysical survey are not adequately funded.
·
The value of our
collections is poorly understood. A failure to integrate and co-ordinate
threatens our ability to address significant issues.
·
Planning controls are
inadequate. Many potential opportunities have been squandered particularly in
Carmarthen.
·
A failure to identify
sources of funding beyond development projects is restricting work on all
aspects of this period.
·
As a result of the
recent coastal survey we understand the archaeology of the ‘hard coast’.
Unfortunately the all-important estuaries were omitted and it is here that the
Romans must have based the greater part of their coastal communication and
trade.
·
As in the rest of Great
Britain Roman archaeology is perceived as a ‘quiet backwater’
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the Archaeology of Wales.